THE WEALTH OF CITIES

REVITALIZING THE CENTERS OF AMERICAN LIFE

A free-market manifesto on saving the nation’s cities—mostly from the federal government. Norquist, now serving his third term as the mayor of Milwaukee, has what he plainly regards as good and true reasons for disliking the effects of big-government spending on his city. Tracing this spending, correctly, to reforms first undertaken in the Hoover (and not, as many pundits have it, the Roosevelt) administration, Norquist argues that federal programs tell audiences such as welfare and food-stamp recipients that it’s better not to work than to make an honest living. In the wake of the riots that beset L.A. after the Rodney King verdict, Norquist writes, he urged that private investors, those conservative white knights, rebuild the nation’s leading cities in the place of the federal government. (—Imagine the CEO of a private corporation telling the corporation’s customers and stockholders that the corporation was out of money and that if it didn—t get more money soon it would burn,— he writes, remarking that the cities were doing just that.) Overlooking the fact that business has seemed to be in no hurry to revitalize South-Central L.A., Norquist goes on to list what he regards as Milwaukee’s successes in privatizing services and eliminating bureaucratic waste——new policies,— he claims, —that strengthen the natural ability of cities to foster wealth and culture and to build civilization.— Among his civilization-enhancing reforms have been a relaxation of standards governing the relative crookedness of sidewalks and the allocation of intradepartmental resources; among them was also a controversial program that cut welfare payments in Milwaukee to almost nothing, replacing those payments with a —workfare— scheme. Norquist clearly believes that such reforms are transportable and that other cities can benefit from his approach, which this self-serving book outlines with much zest but in little detail. Libertarians will likely applaud Norquist’s debut as an author, but other readers will not.

Pub Date: May 1, 1998

ISBN: 0-201-44213-2

Page Count: 256

Publisher: Addison-Wesley

Review Posted Online: May 20, 2010

Kirkus Reviews Issue: April 1, 1998

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Not an easy read but an essential one.

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HOW TO BE AN ANTIRACIST

Title notwithstanding, this latest from the National Book Award–winning author is no guidebook to getting woke.

In fact, the word “woke” appears nowhere within its pages. Rather, it is a combination memoir and extension of Atlantic columnist Kendi’s towering Stamped From the Beginning (2016) that leads readers through a taxonomy of racist thought to anti-racist action. Never wavering from the thesis introduced in his previous book, that “racism is a powerful collection of racist policies that lead to racial inequity and are substantiated by racist ideas,” the author posits a seemingly simple binary: “Antiracism is a powerful collection of antiracist policies that lead to racial equity and are substantiated by antiracist ideas.” The author, founding director of American University’s Antiracist Research and Policy Center, chronicles how he grew from a childhood steeped in black liberation Christianity to his doctoral studies, identifying and dispelling the layers of racist thought under which he had operated. “Internalized racism,” he writes, “is the real Black on Black Crime.” Kendi methodically examines racism through numerous lenses: power, biology, ethnicity, body, culture, and so forth, all the way to the intersectional constructs of gender racism and queer racism (the only section of the book that feels rushed). Each chapter examines one facet of racism, the authorial camera alternately zooming in on an episode from Kendi’s life that exemplifies it—e.g., as a teen, he wore light-colored contact lenses, wanting “to be Black but…not…to look Black”—and then panning to the history that informs it (the antebellum hierarchy that valued light skin over dark). The author then reframes those received ideas with inexorable logic: “Either racist policy or Black inferiority explains why White people are wealthier, healthier, and more powerful than Black people today.” If Kendi is justifiably hard on America, he’s just as hard on himself. When he began college, “anti-Black racist ideas covered my freshman eyes like my orange contacts.” This unsparing honesty helps readers, both white and people of color, navigate this difficult intellectual territory.

Not an easy read but an essential one.

Pub Date: Aug. 13, 2019

ISBN: 978-0-525-50928-8

Page Count: 320

Publisher: One World/Random House

Review Posted Online: April 28, 2019

Kirkus Reviews Issue: May 15, 2019

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A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES

For Howard Zinn, long-time civil rights and anti-war activist, history and ideology have a lot in common. Since he thinks that everything is in someone's interest, the historian—Zinn posits—has to figure out whose interests he or she is defining/defending/reconstructing (hence one of his previous books, The Politics of History). Zinn has no doubts about where he stands in this "people's history": "it is a history disrespectful of governments and respectful of people's movements of resistance." So what we get here, instead of the usual survey of wars, presidents, and institutions, is a survey of the usual rebellions, strikes, and protest movements. Zinn starts out by depicting the arrival of Columbus in North America from the standpoint of the Indians (which amounts to their standpoint as constructed from the observations of the Europeans); and, after easily establishing the cultural disharmony that ensued, he goes on to the importation of slaves into the colonies. Add the laborers and indentured servants that followed, plus women and later immigrants, and you have Zinn's amorphous constituency. To hear Zinn tell it, all anyone did in America at any time was to oppress or be oppressed; and so he obscures as much as his hated mainstream historical foes do—only in Zinn's case there is that absurd presumption that virtually everything that came to pass was the work of ruling-class planning: this amounts to one great indictment for conspiracy. Despite surface similarities, this is not a social history, since we get no sense of the fabric of life. Instead of negating the one-sided histories he detests, Zinn has merely reversed the image; the distortion remains.

Pub Date: Jan. 1, 1979

ISBN: 0061965588

Page Count: 772

Publisher: Harper & Row

Review Posted Online: May 26, 2012

Kirkus Reviews Issue: Jan. 1, 1979

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