While more compelling for its articulate announcement of crisis than for its proposed solution, Dworkin’s study of what we...
A case for equality as a policy-guiding principle in contemporary democracy, written by noted legal philosopher Dworkin (Freedom’s Law, 1996, etc.).
Lawmakers in the post–Cold War “third way” democracies choose to protect individual liberty at the expense of equality, according to Dworkin. As he sees it, the consequences of this course (particularly in the US) are severe: the failure of health care and campaign finance reform, welfare cutbacks, and the elimination of affirmative action. More alarming to Dworkin, however, is the degree to which these policies reflect a lack of “equal concern” for individuals, which he calls the “indispensable virtue” of legitimate sovereigns. Rejecting the idea that liberty and equality are mutually exclusive ideals, Dworkin outlines a second chance for “third way” democracies. A legitimate government’s objective, he insists, must be to insure that the “fates” of individuals are “insensitive” to their identities but “sensitive” to their choices. It accomplishes this by providing for equality through the initial outlay of resources, with citizens accepting responsibility for subsequent, freely made choices. Part I, comprised largely of theoretical pieces written in the 1980s, explores the intersection of equality, liberty, and community in hypothetical scenarios. Anyone frustrated by Dworkin’s customarily high level of abstraction will be heartened by Part II, which is considerably more earthbound and nearly self-contained. These more recent, policy-based chapters on campaign finance reform, affirmative action, genetic technology, and euthanasia, among other issues, are thick with rigorous case analysis and fascinating data about the state of equality and liberty. This section is particularly valuable for its presentation of practical policy issues along with the theoretical penumbras emanating from them.
While more compelling for its articulate announcement of crisis than for its proposed solution, Dworkin’s study of what we “can and must do” to “redeem our political virtue” sounds a distressing alarm.Pub Date: June 1, 2000
ISBN: 0-674-00219-9
Page Count: 512
Publisher: Harvard Univ.
Review Posted Online: May 19, 2010
Kirkus Reviews Issue: May 15, 2000
BOOK REVIEW
BOOK REVIEW
Bernstein and Woodward, the two Washington Post journalists who broke the Big Story, tell how they did it by old fashioned seat-of-the-pants reporting — in other words, lots of intuition and a thick stack of phone numbers. They've saved a few scoops for the occasion, the biggest being the name of their early inside source, the "sacrificial lamb" H**h Sl**n. But Washingtonians who talked will be most surprised by the admission that their rumored contacts in the FBI and elsewhere never existed; many who were telephoned for "confirmation" were revealing more than they realized. The real drama, and there's plenty of it, lies in the private-eye tactics employed by Bernstein and Woodward (they refer to themselves in the third person, strictly on a last name basis). The centerpiece of their own covert operation was an unnamed high government source they call Deep Throat, with whom Woodward arranged secret meetings by positioning the potted palm on his balcony and through codes scribbled in his morning newspaper. Woodward's wee hours meetings with Deep Throat in an underground parking garage are sheer cinema: we can just see Robert Redford (it has to be Robert Redford) watching warily for muggers and stubbing out endless cigarettes while Deep Throat spills the inside dope about the plumbers. Then too, they amass enough seamy detail to fascinate even the most avid Watergate wallower — what a drunken and abusive Mitchell threatened to do to Post publisher Katherine Graham's tit, and more on the Segretti connection — including the activities of a USC campus political group known as the Ratfuckers whose former members served as a recruiting pool for the Nixon White House. As the scandal goes public and out of their hands Bernstein and Woodward seem as stunned as the rest of us at where their search for the "head ratfucker" has led. You have to agree with what their City Editor Barry Sussman realized way back in the beginning — "We've never had a story like this. Just never."
Pub Date: June 18, 1974
ISBN: 0671894412
Page Count: 372
Publisher: Simon & Schuster
Review Posted Online: Oct. 10, 2011
Kirkus Reviews Issue: June 1, 1974
Less a sequel than an addendum, the book offers a close-up view of the Oval Office in its darkest hour.
Four decades after Watergate shook America, journalist Woodward (The Price of Politics, 2012, etc.) returns to the scandal to profile Alexander Butterfield, the Richard Nixon aide who revealed the existence of the Oval Office tapes and effectively toppled the presidency.
Of all the candidates to work in the White House, Butterfield was a bizarre choice. He was an Air Force colonel and wanted to serve in Vietnam. By happenstance, his colleague H.R. Haldeman helped Butterfield land a job in the Nixon administration. For three years, Butterfield worked closely with the president, taking on high-level tasks and even supervising the installation of Nixon’s infamous recording system. The writing here is pure Woodward: a visual, dialogue-heavy, blow-by-blow account of Butterfield’s tenure. The author uses his long interviews with Butterfield to re-create detailed scenes, which reveal the petty power plays of America’s most powerful men. Yet the book is a surprisingly funny read. Butterfield is passive, sensitive, and dutiful, the very opposite of Nixon, who lets loose a constant stream of curses, insults, and nonsensical bluster. Years later, Butterfield seems conflicted about his role in such an eccentric presidency. “I’m not trying to be a Boy Scout and tell you I did it because it was the right thing to do,” Butterfield concedes. It is curious to see Woodward revisit an affair that now feels distantly historical, but the author does his best to make the story feel urgent and suspenseful. When Butterfield admitted to the Senate Select Committee that he knew about the listening devices, he felt its significance. “It seemed to Butterfield there was absolute silence and no one moved,” writes Woodward. “They were still and quiet as if they were witnessing a hinge of history slowly swinging open….It was as if a bare 10,000 volt cable was running through the room, and suddenly everyone touched it at once.”
Less a sequel than an addendum, the book offers a close-up view of the Oval Office in its darkest hour.Pub Date: Oct. 13, 2015
ISBN: 978-1-5011-1644-5
Page Count: 304
Publisher: Simon & Schuster
Review Posted Online: Oct. 20, 2015
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