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CLOSING THE COURTHOUSE DOOR

HOW YOUR CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS BECAME UNENFORCEABLE

A dramatic challenge to understand the shakiness of the foundations we take for granted and where energies committed to...

How conservative majorities in successive Supreme Courts have consistently acted in recent years to block citizens’ access to redress of grievances through the courts.

Chemerinsky (Law and Political Science/Univ. of California, Irvine School of Law; The Case Against the Supreme Court, 2014, etc.), who is on the National Jurist’s list of the “Most Influential People in Legal Education,” challenges anyone concerned with particular injustices to step back and examine the bigger picture. He charges that government, at all levels, has been made immune from suits for redress of grievances and wrongs whether brought by individuals or through class action. Throughout, he provides ample casebook evidence to support his arguments. The Supreme Courts chaired by William Rehnquist and John Roberts have both erected significant barriers to citizens attempting to bring suits, effectively turning government at the federal level into a parody of the monarchy it was created to replace. Doctrines of state sovereignty have been rolled out to block access to federal courts and constitutional redress, and judges, prosecutors, police, and prison staff have all been accorded immunity from those seeking redress. These immunities have been maintained in a variety of direct and indirect ways, including procedural maneuvers such as redefining how a plaintiff or plaintiffs can attain standing to proceed. Even the doctrine of habeas corpus has been hollowed out. Otherwise, the excuse of politics has been misused to dump court issues back onto the legislative branch. Furthermore, constitutional appeals have become almost impossible to make, much less win. In Chemerinsky’s view, “the effect of the Supreme Court’s decisions…is that the Republican Form of Government Clause is essentially read out of the Constitution.” Widespread government surveillance is protected, and the court’s political majority has eroded individuals’ rights, even as it has transformed government.

A dramatic challenge to understand the shakiness of the foundations we take for granted and where energies committed to redress should be directed.

Pub Date: Jan. 10, 2017

ISBN: 978-0-300-21158-0

Page Count: 280

Publisher: Yale Univ.

Review Posted Online: Nov. 1, 2016

Kirkus Reviews Issue: Nov. 15, 2016

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A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES

For Howard Zinn, long-time civil rights and anti-war activist, history and ideology have a lot in common. Since he thinks that everything is in someone's interest, the historian—Zinn posits—has to figure out whose interests he or she is defining/defending/reconstructing (hence one of his previous books, The Politics of History). Zinn has no doubts about where he stands in this "people's history": "it is a history disrespectful of governments and respectful of people's movements of resistance." So what we get here, instead of the usual survey of wars, presidents, and institutions, is a survey of the usual rebellions, strikes, and protest movements. Zinn starts out by depicting the arrival of Columbus in North America from the standpoint of the Indians (which amounts to their standpoint as constructed from the observations of the Europeans); and, after easily establishing the cultural disharmony that ensued, he goes on to the importation of slaves into the colonies. Add the laborers and indentured servants that followed, plus women and later immigrants, and you have Zinn's amorphous constituency. To hear Zinn tell it, all anyone did in America at any time was to oppress or be oppressed; and so he obscures as much as his hated mainstream historical foes do—only in Zinn's case there is that absurd presumption that virtually everything that came to pass was the work of ruling-class planning: this amounts to one great indictment for conspiracy. Despite surface similarities, this is not a social history, since we get no sense of the fabric of life. Instead of negating the one-sided histories he detests, Zinn has merely reversed the image; the distortion remains.

Pub Date: Jan. 1, 1979

ISBN: 0061965588

Page Count: 772

Publisher: Harper & Row

Review Posted Online: May 26, 2012

Kirkus Reviews Issue: Jan. 1, 1979

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HOW DEMOCRACIES DIE

The value of this book is the context it provides, in a style aimed at a concerned citizenry rather than fellow academics,...

A provocative analysis of the parallels between Donald Trump’s ascent and the fall of other democracies.

Following the last presidential election, Levitsky (Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America, 2003, etc.) and Ziblatt (Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy, 2017, etc.), both professors of government at Harvard, wrote an op-ed column titled, “Is Donald Trump a Threat to Democracy?” The answer here is a resounding yes, though, as in that column, the authors underscore their belief that the crisis extends well beyond the power won by an outsider whom they consider a demagogue and a liar. “Donald Trump may have accelerated the process, but he didn’t cause it,” they write of the politics-as-warfare mentality. “The weakening of our democratic norms is rooted in extreme partisan polarization—one that extends beyond policy differences into an existential conflict over race and culture.” The authors fault the Republican establishment for failing to stand up to Trump, even if that meant electing his opponent, and they seem almost wistfully nostalgic for the days when power brokers in smoke-filled rooms kept candidacies restricted to a club whose members knew how to play by the rules. Those supporting the candidacy of Bernie Sanders might take as much issue with their prescriptions as Trump followers will. However, the comparisons they draw to how democratic populism paved the way toward tyranny in Peru, Venezuela, Chile, and elsewhere are chilling. Among the warning signs they highlight are the Republican Senate’s refusal to consider Barack Obama’s Supreme Court nominee as well as Trump’s demonization of political opponents, minorities, and the media. As disturbing as they find the dismantling of Democratic safeguards, Levitsky and Ziblatt suggest that “a broad opposition coalition would have important benefits,” though such a coalition would strike some as a move to the center, a return to politics as usual, and even a pragmatic betrayal of principles.

The value of this book is the context it provides, in a style aimed at a concerned citizenry rather than fellow academics, rather than in the consensus it is not likely to build.

Pub Date: Jan. 16, 2018

ISBN: 978-1-5247-6293-3

Page Count: 320

Publisher: Crown

Review Posted Online: Nov. 12, 2017

Kirkus Reviews Issue: Dec. 1, 2017

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