A valuable contribution to discussion of post-war planning for Asia, this is confessedly a plea for giving the Asiatic policy top priority in America's relations with the world, as proving ground of our intentions. Lattimore as long-time resident of China, knowing at first hand and from many angles the problems that are rife -- author with Eleanor Lattimore of Making of Modern China (Norton -- 1944) -- is able to survey our relations to Asiatic power problems with a dispassionate but informed spirit. He shows how the conflict of the experts -- whether diplomatic, industrial, or journalistic -- has created false ideas. He presents the Open Door Policy and the aftermath of the Washington Conference as evidence of Anglo-American ""as too"" attitudes, with little recognition of the fact that our relations with Asia are reciprocal. The misconceptions of China are actually less than the misconceptions of Japan, which he sees as a dual system, highly cartelized industry plus a feudal system of agriculture, which only revolution can solve, revolution which will overthrow fascistic imperialism, of which the emperor (as an institution) is a symbol that must go. The sore point of foreign privilege has colored all relations with Asia. Most revealing of all are his chapters dealing with the facts of the effect of the Russian Revolution on Asia, within China (where Communism is deep-rooted and proven, but quite different from Russian Communism); in relation to Central Asia, where the power of attraction is enhanced by the success of operation. His analysis of the Chinese Civil War presents facts in new focus; he sees Chiang Kai-shek as a coalition statesman of genius and feels that he would be the only choice of the Communists as well as the Kuomintang could the greater coalition be achieved; he views the years of Civil War as the military training ground -- and surveys the tragedies of both Red Terror and White Terror. He weighs the changes the Sino-Japanese struggle have precipitated in Big Business, industry, agriculture, the relation of labor to industry, of peasant to landlord -- and the part those changes will play in the future decision as to whether China is to play a side line or front line part in the war, and in the peace. He traces the curve of prestige -- China in america and vice versa; Britain, the Nrtherlands the French -- and Soviet Russia. He discusses the challenge to us in the question of whether it is to be colonial liberation or reconquest -- and urges America to take responsibility for insuring colonial liberation as a step to independent economic development. His final chapters deal with the political nature of security -- the hope in the Durtoa Cake and Bretton Woods decisions - and he outlines the essentials of our policy in As, -- the treatment of defeated Japan, relaxed tutelage of China, extension of policy of cooperation with United Nations toward financial and economic as well as political end, to step out of a role of ition, to one of nation...This long report would suggest that it is in a long book. On the contrary, it is short but packed with meat.