Memorable, nondogmatic and full of fresh insights—none of them comforting for anyone who hopes for an end to the so-called...

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JOURNEY OF THE JIHADIST

INSIDE MUSLIM MILITANCY

What’s Osama so upset about? Well, there’s the Great Satan business, of course. But, reveals political commentator and historian Gerges, there’s at least one other compelling reason.

The big news in this newsworthy book is just this: By Gerges’s account, following Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait, Osama bin Laden approached the Saudi royal family with a proposal: “He would mount a force of 100,000 trained mujahedeen to enter Kuwait and expel the Iraqis.” The Americans lobbied hard for the Saudis to turn down the offer and allow half a million U.S. troops inside the country, and in any event, the royal family knew that jihadist rage was directed at them, and so they refused, leading bin Laden to put America “at the top of his list of enemies” overnight. Gerges outlines three militant trajectories. For the first post-Nasser generation, Israel, as always, was the greatest enemy of the Arab world; that generation’s crucible was Lebanon, where Israeli soldiers and Lebanese Christian militias committed sufficient atrocities to serve as recruiting posters for militant groups such as Hizbollah and al-Fatah. For the second generation, which Gerges likens to “the young Abraham Lincoln volunteers of the 1930s, heading off to defend democratic Spain,” or even the Contras whom Reagan so lavishly praised and supported, the crucible was Afghanistan, the enemy the Soviet Union. American money and arms created al-Qaeda in that fight. And, Gerges writes, al-Qaeda enjoyed only the tiniest support in the Islamic world, was effectively ejected from Somalia and other Arabic nations and was never so close to the Taliban as Western intelligence sources claimed. But then came the American invasion of Iraq in 2003, and there, Gerges writes, with haunted knowledge, came the third crucible, pitting fundamentalists against fundamentalists and elevating the pariah to hero.

Memorable, nondogmatic and full of fresh insights—none of them comforting for anyone who hopes for an end to the so-called Long War.

Pub Date: May 8, 2006

ISBN: 0-15-101213-X

Page Count: 320

Publisher: Harcourt

Review Posted Online: May 20, 2010

Kirkus Reviews Issue: March 15, 2006

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Not an easy read but an essential one.

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HOW TO BE AN ANTIRACIST

Title notwithstanding, this latest from the National Book Award–winning author is no guidebook to getting woke.

In fact, the word “woke” appears nowhere within its pages. Rather, it is a combination memoir and extension of Atlantic columnist Kendi’s towering Stamped From the Beginning (2016) that leads readers through a taxonomy of racist thought to anti-racist action. Never wavering from the thesis introduced in his previous book, that “racism is a powerful collection of racist policies that lead to racial inequity and are substantiated by racist ideas,” the author posits a seemingly simple binary: “Antiracism is a powerful collection of antiracist policies that lead to racial equity and are substantiated by antiracist ideas.” The author, founding director of American University’s Antiracist Research and Policy Center, chronicles how he grew from a childhood steeped in black liberation Christianity to his doctoral studies, identifying and dispelling the layers of racist thought under which he had operated. “Internalized racism,” he writes, “is the real Black on Black Crime.” Kendi methodically examines racism through numerous lenses: power, biology, ethnicity, body, culture, and so forth, all the way to the intersectional constructs of gender racism and queer racism (the only section of the book that feels rushed). Each chapter examines one facet of racism, the authorial camera alternately zooming in on an episode from Kendi’s life that exemplifies it—e.g., as a teen, he wore light-colored contact lenses, wanting “to be Black but…not…to look Black”—and then panning to the history that informs it (the antebellum hierarchy that valued light skin over dark). The author then reframes those received ideas with inexorable logic: “Either racist policy or Black inferiority explains why White people are wealthier, healthier, and more powerful than Black people today.” If Kendi is justifiably hard on America, he’s just as hard on himself. When he began college, “anti-Black racist ideas covered my freshman eyes like my orange contacts.” This unsparing honesty helps readers, both white and people of color, navigate this difficult intellectual territory.

Not an easy read but an essential one.

Pub Date: Aug. 13, 2019

ISBN: 978-0-525-50928-8

Page Count: 320

Publisher: One World/Random House

Review Posted Online: April 28, 2019

Kirkus Reviews Issue: May 15, 2019

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A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES

For Howard Zinn, long-time civil rights and anti-war activist, history and ideology have a lot in common. Since he thinks that everything is in someone's interest, the historian—Zinn posits—has to figure out whose interests he or she is defining/defending/reconstructing (hence one of his previous books, The Politics of History). Zinn has no doubts about where he stands in this "people's history": "it is a history disrespectful of governments and respectful of people's movements of resistance." So what we get here, instead of the usual survey of wars, presidents, and institutions, is a survey of the usual rebellions, strikes, and protest movements. Zinn starts out by depicting the arrival of Columbus in North America from the standpoint of the Indians (which amounts to their standpoint as constructed from the observations of the Europeans); and, after easily establishing the cultural disharmony that ensued, he goes on to the importation of slaves into the colonies. Add the laborers and indentured servants that followed, plus women and later immigrants, and you have Zinn's amorphous constituency. To hear Zinn tell it, all anyone did in America at any time was to oppress or be oppressed; and so he obscures as much as his hated mainstream historical foes do—only in Zinn's case there is that absurd presumption that virtually everything that came to pass was the work of ruling-class planning: this amounts to one great indictment for conspiracy. Despite surface similarities, this is not a social history, since we get no sense of the fabric of life. Instead of negating the one-sided histories he detests, Zinn has merely reversed the image; the distortion remains.

Pub Date: Jan. 1, 1979

ISBN: 0061965588

Page Count: 772

Publisher: Harper & Row

Review Posted Online: May 26, 2012

Kirkus Reviews Issue: Jan. 1, 1979

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